身份政治 的英文怎麼說

中文拼音 [shēnbīnzhèngzhì]
身份政治 英文
identity politics
  • 身 : Ⅰ名詞1 （身體） body 2 （生命） life 3 （自己; 本身） oneself; personally 4 （人的品格和修養） on...
  • 政 : 名詞1 （政治） politics; political affairs 2 （國家某一部門主管的業務） certain administrative as...
  • 治 : Ⅰ動詞1 （治理） rule; administer; govern; manage 2 （醫治） treat （a disease）; cure; heal 3 （...
  • 身份 : 1. （人的社會、法律地位） status; capacity; identity 2. （受人尊敬的地位） dignity
  • 政治 : politicspolitical affairs
  1. Yi yin ' s status and diarchy

    伊尹身份與二頭政治
  2. Ms chowdhury fink described her national identity as “ fluid ” and not necessarily “ bounded by political borders ”

    喬杜里?芬克將自己的國家身份稱為「流動的」 ，不必「受到政治邊界的限制」 。
  3. Secondly, the course of transformation in china ' s grass - root shows that political integration by power exclusively uses national power as the main measure of political integration, that the state executes in a sovereignty capacity a simplex " reflexive monitoring " to societies within the " national boundaries ". in order to secure the national power to arrive quickly and effectively at each would - be integrated stage, the state eliminates those tanglesome characteristics of all the integration objects, and regard them as indistinctive abstract existence wanting technical treatment. thus, integration of this kind holds the political community externally, rather than internally and organically

    第二，以中國基層社會為敘述場景的社會轉型歷程表明，國家權力支配型的政治整合排他性地將國家權力作為政治整合的主導手段，國家以主權者的身份對處于「國界」中的社會實施一元化的「反思性監控」 ，並為了保證國家權力能夠迅捷有效地抵達有待整合的各個層面，而消除了一切整合對象的「雜多」個性，將之視為有待技術化處理的無差別的抽象存在，致使這種整合形式只能維系政治共同體的外在統一，而無法實現作為「共同體」應有之義的內在凝聚和有機團結。
  4. But these web logs, or online journals, are not just opposition tools. most mainstream french politicians have now embraced blogs

    但是部落格或是網志不光是異議份子反對主流的工具，現在在法國，多數主流的政治家也紛紛開始經營他們自身的部落格。
  5. Since the government has the right to manage the actual collective assets of the political rights and economic and social management of the two powers, with double identity of the collective assets owner and social manager. market economy requires " governance of separation " and " thing concerns the separation.

    由於政府具有實際的集體資產管理權和經濟社會管理的政治權兩種權力，具有了集體資產所有者和社會管理者雙重身份，市場經濟要求「政資分離」 「政企分離」 。
  6. As some mncs are politically oriented, they may lose their private status altogether.

    由於一些跨國公司具有政治傾向，他們可能完全失去私人身份。
  7. Marxism theory appears by a double identity of guide and content in the ideological and political education

    馬克思主義理論是以雙重身份出現於思想政治教育中的，它既是指導性的，又是其中的內容。
  8. Methods of political communication are tried on here to investigate the political integration problem of state and society. main points as below : firstly, modern nation - state, a new form of governance, whose emergence changed the traditional social communication and integration pattern, completed the transformation of a traditional society to a modern society by means of its highly effective integration, national sovereignty as a core, in politics. meanwhile, it correspondingly disintegrates the former multiplex - structured integration pattern based on blood relationship, local identity, religion and folkways, etc., and shapes instead a single political pattern driven by sovereignty, that is, political integration by power

    本文嘗試採用政治溝通研究方法，對國家與社會論域中的政治整合問題給予考察，全文的基本理論線索如下：首先，作為一種新的政治治理形式，現代國家的出現改變了國家與社會的傳統溝通與整合模式，其以國家主權為核心的高度政治整合能力，完成了傳統社會向作為國家治理空間的基層社會的改造，同時，也相應瓦解了以往基於血緣、地域、身份、宗教、民俗等多元整合方式互動而成的多元復合整合結構，形成了以國家權力為內驅力的單一政治整合模式，即，國家權力支配型的政治整合形式。
  9. This paper tries to discuss the neglect of poetic ( literary ) complexity and multi - meanings in cultural studies by illustrating how said deals with classic poetry in his exemplary post - colonial criticism, and thereby advocates an open strategy for literary criticism that transcends the singular research of identity politics

    本文力圖通過文化研究中頗有代表性的薩義德的后殖民批評中處理詩歌經典的例子，說明詩歌（文學）的復雜性與多義性在文化研究中如何被忽視的問題，並藉此提倡一種能夠超越單一的身份政治研究的開放的文學研究立場。
  10. Through these dissertations reviewing the former and current peak tower and discussing topics like urban renewal plans, readers have a chance to learn more about globalization, post - colonial politics in hong kong, local culture, and the relationship between commerce and politics

    從這些論文中，同學會讓讀者從回顧太平山頂的老襯亭和凌霄閣，以及市區重建計劃等話題，檢視全球化香港后殖民身份政治本港文化等課題，以至政治與商業的關系。
  11. But such a system can only succeed if the chief executive is very politically adept and also very good at listening to and reconciling different political assertions. as for the selected exco members, they too must not think of their role merely as a symbol of status, but rather, a selfless commitment transcending their own interests and that of their party in order to assume and exercise collective responsibility and political leadership

    本人認為，這種方式值得探討，但這制度要成功的主要條件，是特首必須是具才能，而又是政治上善於兼聽和協調的真正領導者，而行會議員不應將公職當成是一種身份的象徵，而是能夠真正地、心悅誠服地忘黨忘我，全身投入，肩負集體負責和政治領航的職責。
  12. Track - two diplomacy has three characteristics : the status non - official, the behavior way intermediary and the field of activity low political

    「第二軌道」具有身份的非官方性、行為方式的中介性和活動領域的低政治性三個方面的特徵。
  13. Other sorts of social identities too are in flux, including class, political affiliation and religion

    其他的社會身份也在逐漸消融，如階層、政治派系和宗教。
  14. It points out : for transforming china, there exists " structural holes " questions in political and economic systems, market factors are gradually permeating, unit - institution and status - institution have relatively weakened, with community - institution and contract - institution further growing, economic and cultural pluralism are an impetus, moreover, traditional trust and reciprocity mechanism exist in our nation, etc. all these have promoted traditional social capital and modern social capital to boom, but the former looks like more thriving. they are taking positive or negative effects on our state ' s stability and development. so the paper finally suggests that we should adroitly guide our action according to situations, and try hard to turn negative factors into positive ones

    文章指出：對于轉型中國來說，政治上「體制洞」的存在、市場因子的滲透、 「單位制」 「身份制」的相對弱化和伴之而來的「社區制」 「契約制」的進一步發育，經濟上、文化上的「多元化」態勢，以及民族內部傳統信任和互惠機制等等都催生了傳統性社會資本和現代性社會資本的繁榮和興盛但前者更加強勁，它們對中國社會的穩定與發展起著或積極促進或消極阻礙的作用。
  15. In this particular instance of your use of fear, your pragmatic rationale must have gone something like this : it is our job as the government to give the people a good life ; we will not be able to do so if we are constantly subjected to the disruptions that come with political activism ; therefore we must get rid of the hindrance quickly by using the most effective means of all - instilling fear

    在您運用恐懼策略時，您實用的理論基礎肯定是經過類似如此的過程：我們身為政府的職責是給人民美好的生活；要是我們經常受到政治活躍份子的干擾，我們將無法進行；因此我們必須使用最有效的工具?恐懼-來迅速鏟除阻礙。
  16. That same year, gallegos was suspended from the priesthood for refusing to accept the authority of a french religious superior. gallegos now put increasing energy into his political life

    同年，蓋樂葛斯因為拒絕接受法國宗教領袖的指示，而暫時中止他的神職身份。蓋樂葛斯於是將更多的精力投入到政治生涯里。
  17. The implementation of students ’ status punishment right must follow the principles of the rule of administrative law, it includes the valid principle 、 the proportion principle and the proper procedure principle in detail

    學生身份處分權的實施必須遵循行政法治原則，具體來說，包括合法性原則、比例原則和正當程序原則。
  18. Though these issues are dealt with in a personal context, the work reaches beyond the postmodern issues of identity politics, and look at the actions of transformation and adaptation as the fundamental root of social structure

    雖然處理這些問題帶有個人的背景色彩，但是作品涉及了超越后現代主義的論點和政治身份，並著眼於行動的轉變和適應社會組織的基本根源。
  19. We believe that everyone should enjoy equal opportunities in education and employment and that everyone in our society should have self - respect. adequate social security should be extended to the elderly, the disabled and the disadvantaged groups. no one should be discriminated in whatever way for reasons of race, religion and political conviction

    我們相信每個人應該擁有平等的教育及工作機會，藉以勤奮上進發揮才華；在一個公義的社會，每一個人都應該活得有尊嚴，老弱殘疾及弱勢社群能夠得到足夠的保障；不同的種族、身份、政治、信仰，都不應受到歧視。
  20. Chapter two examines the formation of institutional racism, two attitudes held by chinese canadians towards it : tolerance and struggle, and the important role of chinatown. and the author points out that their regaining of political identity through the anti - racist movement does not suggest the elimination of racial discrimination

    第二章揭示了加拿大社會制度化歧視形成的原因以及歷史上華人對待歧視的兩種態度:沉默忍讓和奮起抗爭，並指出華人所聚居的唐人街的重要作用;最後，作者指出華人通過反歧視斗爭重新獲得政治身份並不意味著歧視的完全消除。
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